"In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or – this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms – with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure."

Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy.

In his latest piece, why “Thatcher may be dead; but Thatcherism isn’t!”

Posted at 11:54 PM - April 14, 2013.
"… neither legal relations nor political forms could be comprehended whether by themselves or on the basis of a so-called general development of the human mind, but that on the contrary they originate in the material conditions of life …"
Posted at 11:52 PM - April 14, 2013.
"The hegemonic distribution of power would not be simply the delegation of power from »peripheral« positions into some »center«. In general, one must dissolve the equation power = domination. One can describe domination as the disempowerment of the dominated and the concentration of power with the dominant. Power to dominate is power disempower and consequently to repress. Power is concretized in capacity to act (Handlungsfähigkeit), a central concept of Klaus Holzkamp’s Critical Psychology. Correspondingly, the question needs to be posed in concrete terms: whether power realizes itself as capacity to act for domination or for liberating action (even if it is restricted to cultural capacity to act »from below«)."
—Wolfgang Fritz Haug - Structural Hegemony.
Posted at 11:20 AM - March 21, 2013.
"Hegemony is not something external to hegemonic subjects, which they might be able to use for their own ends; rather they »stick« in hegemony, are transformed by a hegemonic process, and are constituted as such subjects only now. In this sense one could say that hegemonic effects have no »subjects«, but are effects with many subjects. Hegemonic processes, however, can have consciously organized subjects. Hegemonic subject-effects mediate new acting power and consistence, which are only achievable in such a space. Perhaps this is a formula for hegemonic stability: Hegemonic-effects = Subject-effects = Power effects. Each hegemonic structure could then be described as productive of power (or powers) and as distributive of power."
—Wolfgang Fritz Haug - Structural Hegemony.
Posted at 11:20 AM - March 21, 2013.
"While until 1926 »hegemony« had »indicated mainly an alternative strategy for the proletariat (hegemony of the proletariat)«, »the first Prison Notebook completed a shift in terrain: hegemony, specified by the new concept of a hegemonic apparatus, concerns first of all the practices of the dominating class« (Buci- Glucksman 1975, p. 63). This concept is thus new in the Quaderni, and it is soon »supplemented through that of the ›ideological class structure‹« (ibid.,64). »Hegemony, the hegemonic apparatus, secures a theory of the effectiveness of ideology and its material reality« (ibid., 65). »Hegemonic apparatus« turns into, according to Buci-Glucksman, the guiding concept of a new investigation into superstructure, and finally to an extension of the concept of the state. Althusser (1977,108ff.) develops his concept of »ideological state apparatusses« from that, but gazes down from above onto society according to a rigid functionalistic schema (see PIT 1979,182), while Gramsci develops the concept »from the bottom up«. It would be worthwhile considering how »hegemonic apparatus« compares to Engels’ category of »ideological powers« (cf. MEW 21, 302; PIT 1979, 19, and 179ff.)"
Wolfgang Fritz Haug - Structural Hegemony.
Posted at 11:18 AM - March 21, 2013.
"Here a further category of Gramsci becomes indispensable: hegemonic apparatus. Whenever it functions as such, it makes ready a space and a medium into which various social subjects can place themselves. The class that had yet to constitute itself would be grasped concretely as a still unarticulated or heterogeneously articulated mass. On the other hand, the more or less self- articulated class unfolds its cultural »life« out of itself and maintains itself precisely thereby as a crystallization center for various autonomous cultural practices, for those »for which it is worth while to live, to be organized, to have time« (Bloch 1918, p. 9). Even opposing classes could not completely evade such forces of attraction."
—Wolfgang Fritz Haug - Structural Hegemony.
Posted at 11:16 AM - March 21, 2013.
"On the other hand, in the »classical« case of hegemony, it is perhaps also true that hegemony does not simply proceed from a hegemon but that the latter is itself above all a product of hegemony. Therefore, »hegemony« is not a matter of a merely instrumental conduct of politics, or of tactics for the »production of legitimacy« (Weber). A politics can not maintain a merely instrumental relation to hegemony, rather it exists in orbits around and within hegemony. Hegemony is that which is fought about and the medium for this struggle. It is perhaps even the case that class constitution and hegemonial capacity determine one another; that a class, far from being a socio-economic given, constitutes itself by virtue of the same process that grounds its hegemonic force of attraction. What for all too long has been articulated as the concepts of »class-in-itself« vs. »class-for-itself«, wrongly ascribed to Marx, must be more concretely grasped. It is a question of whether a class is subordinate, or whether it has politically constituted itself, or »worked-up itself«, as Gramsci would say; whether it has fashioned its own intellectuals and knowledges."
—Wolfgang Fritz Haug - Structural Hegemony.
Posted at 11:12 AM - March 21, 2013.
"Therefore let us risk our all,
Never resting, never tiring;
Not in silence dismal, dull,
Without action or desiring;

Not in brooding introspection
Bowed beneath a yoke of pain,
So that yearning, dream and action
Unfulfilled to us remain."
—Karl Marx - “Feelings”
Posted at 11:38 AM - February 01, 2013.
"It is essential to destroy the widespread prejudice that philosophy is a strange and difficult thing just because it is the specific intellectual activity of a particular category of specialists or of professional and systematic philosophers. It must first be shown that all men are “philosophers”, by defining the limits and characteristics of the “spontaneous philosophy” which is proper to everybody. This philosophy is contained in: 1. language itself, which is a totality of determined notions and concepts and not just of words grammatically devoid of content; 2. “common sense” and “good sense”; 3. popular religion and, therefore, also in the entire system of beliefs, superstitions, opinions, ways of seeing things and of acting, which surface collectively under the
name of “folklore”."
—GRAMSCI, Antonio. Notebook 11, paragraph 12 (Some preliminary notes of reference)
Posted at 3:05 AM - January 12, 2013. source.

sdkpil:

Clearly, the Russian Revolution occurred because the Bolsheviks deconstructed a shit load of texts

I have something to say regarding this post but it’ll take at least an hour for me to deconstruct it fully.

Posted at 1:24 AM - September 08, 2012. source.
asthepoemsgo:

LEADING THE REVOLUTION

asthepoemsgo:

LEADING THE REVOLUTION

Posted at 3:42 PM - September 06, 2012. source.
igavehermyheartandshegavemeapen:

#karl #marx #gravestone #marxism #london  (Taken with Instagram)

igavehermyheartandshegavemeapen:

#karl #marx #gravestone #marxism #london (Taken with Instagram)

Posted at 3:42 PM - September 06, 2012. source.
teaandthorazine:

“Engels, you’re being obtuse.”

teaandthorazine:

“Engels, you’re being obtuse.”

Posted at 3:19 AM - September 02, 2012. source.
"Those who do not move, do not notice their chains."
—Rosa Luxemburg (via thepbt)
Posted at 1:05 PM - August 20, 2012. source.

The First Red Terror, or Acts 5

rawlsianism-with-a-human-face:

One hears, quite often, that sure, there are radical elements within Christianity, but they’re so vague, and so circumscribed by conservative tendencies which negate them, that one can get little further than, say, radical union support, liberal democracy, at the most extreme distributionism or some moderate democratic socialism. So I’d like to take this chance to show just one example of, from even a purely textual standpoint, the openness for radicalism within Christianity, particularly Catholicism (with its focus on the Apostolic tradition, among other things), with a passage from the Bible itself.

Beginning around Acts 4:32 we get a description of the essentially communistic society of the early Christians. We are told that they (viz. “the multitude of them that believed”) held “all things in common” (Acts 4:32). We are told that there were none among them who “ lacked: for as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold them, and brought the prices of the things that were sold, / And laid them down at the apostles’ feet: and distribution was made unto every man according as he had need.” (Acts 4:34 - 35) (None of which, of course, has any parallels with a certain well known passage from The Critique of the Gotha Program). We’re even given a specific account of a Levite named Joses who joins the community (and is consequently surnamed Barnabas) who sold his land, “brought the money, and laid it at the apostles’ feet.” (Acts 4:37). Thus Acts 4 ends with an image of the society of the very people who bore Christ’s direct message and we’re divinely guided by the Holy Spirit forming an unequivocally collectivist society, primitive, yes, no model for a real future communism, but communist nonetheless. However radical this may seem vis-a-vis the degenerate bulwark of bourgeoisie society many have attempted to erect Christianity as today, it’s surely dwarfed by the following passage.

In Acts 5, we’re introduced to two members of the community, Ananias and Sapphira, who sold their own possession, but laid only part of it at the Apostles’ feet, keeping the rest to themselves. When Peter questions him about it, asking “Ananias, why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie to the Holy Ghost, and to keep back part of the price of the land? / Whiles it remained, was it not thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thine own power? why hast thou conceived this thing in thine heart?” (Acts 5:3-4) What happens next? Does Ananias give a rousing defense of private property and how it’s the cornerstone of a good Christian Family? Does he appeal to human nature or the need to define and protect the individual and his genius? Whatever Ananias may have liked to say, we’ll never know; God immediately strikes him dead. Acts 5 states explicitly that “Ananias hearing these words fell down, and gave up the ghost: and great fear came on all them that heard these things.” (For those who might suggest the phrase “gave up the ghost” may be ambiguous or metaphorical, this is followed by an account of his burial). 

Now, surely God knew the whole time Ananias had retained this bit of property, so why does he wait until he can be confronted about it in public before dealing justice to him? Could the answer be anything but for the very same motivation behind a public guillotine? Is God not, in this passage, cementing the new order, enacting a red terror to make absolutely clear that those who greedily cling to old individualist habits and compromise the collective good are the greatest enemy of the community? And it doesn’t end here. About three hours later, having no knowledge of what occurred, Sapphira arrives, and when Peter questions her about the property, she lies, with Peter answering “ How is it that ye have agreed together to tempt the Spirit of the Lord? behold, the feet of them which have buried thy husband are at the door, and shall carry thee out” (Acts 5:9). Sapphira immediately falls dead and is soon buried with her husband, “And great fear came upon all the church, and upon as many as heard these things.” (Acts 5:11)

And just to be utterly clear, this is not the ‘God of the Old Testament,’ about whom’s blood-lust we hear ad infinitum. This is the God of the New Testament, the God of forgiveness, The God who ‘so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life,’ The God who did not strike dead Saul of Tarsus, the vicious hunter of Christians, but redeemed him as St.Paul, the greatest Christian missionary. And yet this just, forgiving God felt it utterly necessary to execute, in public, the two who dared maintain a drop of private property, in order to create a “great fear,” or, may we say, a Red Terror?

Fuckin-A.

(Source: konkretpolitik)

Posted at 2:04 PM - August 15, 2012. source.
1 of 14 next